DAVID GANT: The most profound electoral question of all

Notwithstanding a multiplicity of manifestos, plethora of credible and incredible party political promises, and the melodramatic oratorical performances from party leaders and spokespersons, the reality of this election goes far deeper than the noise would suggest. Its deeper significance may still be lost on the majority of our electorate.  

The 2024 election actually goes to the very core of what kind of society — the  values and principles of governance, fundamental creeds and inter-societal ethics — the electorate wishes to live under within the foreseeable future. In effect, this amounts to a choice of ideology. 

There are many words bandied about in attempts to describe different global past and present ideologies, perhaps none of which precisely describes the diverse ideologies actually pursued by political parties throughout the world today. But in the SA political and socioeconomic environment the ideological choices facing the electorate fall broadly into three categories. 

First, and as promised by the EFF, a revolutionary, quasi-Marxist, anti-capitalist and possibly racist populist proletarianism. Second, and as practised by the ANC/Cosatu/SACP alliance and its appointed government, a conflicted, confused cocktail of African nationalism, semi-socialism or even communism, semi-proletarian and semi-capitalism. Third, and as promised by the DA, its multiparty charter partners and some like-minded political parties that are as yet not signatories to the charter, a broadly centrist constitutional, nonracial social democracy with an emphasis on individual freedom.  

While inherent in their vote is a choice of one or other of the above mentioned ideologies, a vast majority of the electorate may understandably cast their vote for parties they believe will provide imminent short-term material gains and early relief from the many hardships that confront them on a daily basis. And so they may well favour a party that promises the largest social grants, the fastest end to load-shedding and the restoration of fresh running water, or the greatest number of new jobs. Many will want a party that commits itself to the greatest number of policemen patrolling their crime-ridden areas, new clinics and schools in areas where there are none. Among this portion of the electorate, ideology and its implications will not be top of mind. 

However, the reality of the 2024 election is that choosing a political party is, consciously or unconsciously, unavoidably a choice of ideology, and unpacking the ideologies pursued by the dominant political establishments on the 2024 ballot paper should be a focus of political analysts and media commentators, and indeed leaders of civil society and extra-parliamentary organisations. 

Without expressing a personal ideological preference and in full recognition of the unpredictability and propensity of political parties to execute U-turns once in power, the salient features of the pertinent and present political party ideologies if implemented, and the possible outcomes thereof, might be characterised as follows. 

From the EFF, ownership and control by the state of privately owned assets, including the nationalisation of the SA Reserve Bank and mines, and the expropriation of private properties. Also, a government-enforced reduced role by the private sector in the national economy, declining investor confidence leading to foreign and domestic disinvestment, and increasing state debt and/or wealth taxes to fund largesse to the poor, homeless and unemployed. In the event of strong opposition to the governing party we can expect an increasing autocracy approaching fascism. Also, the rejection of federalism in favour of a unitary state and curbs of provincial powers, the media and individual freedom of choice, speech and movement.

Notwithstanding possible short-term material gains, which may be appealing, even compelling, for many citizens, the EFF ideology as described above, and the manner in which it would be manifest in the party’s governance of our country, would inevitably lead to an incapable state that will lower standards of living and destroy the aspirations of all citizens, irrespective of class, creed or colour, and create a nation whose population has grown out of control depleting financial, mineral and environmental resources. It is a spectre of a people living in a state of poverty and desperation and without dignity. 

From the perspective of ideology, the ANC/Cosatu/SACP alliance presents the electorate with a conundrum. Often described as a “broad church”, the alliance comprises diverse congregations with different ideological histories and present mindsets. The SACP has struggled to shed itself of Marxist mantra and philosophies and would like to see them feature prominently in the execution of government policy. The trade unions represented by Cosatu consider the protection of workers’ rights and the use of state resources to promote worker interests to be paramount, of overriding importance in the formulation of government policies and practices.  

The ANC is torn between the tenets of the Freedom Charter and the SA constitution, which are not always in sync. It tinkers with neoliberalism and partnerships with the private sector and labour via attempted but rejected or unimplemented social compacts. It wants to retain control over the so-called state-owned enterprises, but flirts with the notion of public-private partnerships and semi-privatisation of public infrastructure and services.  

The rhetoric and professed reform and renewal plans of the ANC are not always well received or supported by its alliance partners, and as a consequence and out of fear of offending them and losing their support, the ANC-led government is indecisive, hesitant to take real action on vital national issues and deficiencies, and considers staying in its comfort zone with and maintaining support from its allies to be more important than providing the proactive governance SA so desperately needs.

Continued governmental inaction and failure to implement what have been widely welcomed as sound, generally acceptable economic policies will lead to socioeconomic stagnation in our country and all citizens will suffer as a consequence. 

The DA and its current and potential partners promote an ideology that commits to democratic constitutionalism, the rule of law, a liberal interpretation of the bill of rights, limited government, the promotion of private enterprise, and a compassionate and caring economic system. 

However, some may be concerned that given the lack of opportunities, education and limited resources of so many South Africans, the DA and its partners’ concept of an economy predominantly driven by private enterprise and merit-only, open opportunity for all and an increasingly deregulated society may not be practically implementable. Nor would it be sufficient to meaningfully reduce and reverse the levels of inequality, poverty and unemployment in SA and achieve a “better life for all with no-one left behind”.

The electorate’s choice of political party or parties on May 29 will determine the ideology that dominates the nature of our very existence for years to come, and dictate the future success or failure of our country. It is a choice that will have more profound consequences than generally perceived, and needs to be exercised with vision, a sense of reality, courage, conviction and above all serious consideration and concern for the wellbeing of future generations of South Africans. 

• Gant, a retired business person, was founder and co-chair of the Independent Party and an MP and chair of the Democratic Party federal council.