In the wake of the Cabanac mess, Steenhuisen must be realising just how tricky it is to be both DA leader and GNU cabinet minister
19 September 2024 - 05:01
byCrystal Orderson
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Democratic Alliance leader John Steenhuisen. Picture: Veli Nhlapo
John Steenhuisen’s mettle in his dual roles as DA leader and cabinet minister has been put to the test by the tension over the Basic Education Laws Amendment (Bela) Act and his appointment — since rescinded — of Roman Cabanac as chief of staff.
Disagreement over the act has highlighted the fault lines between the ANC and the DA in the government of national unity (GNU). President Cyril Ramaphosa has suspended full implementation of the act and given parties three months to come up with alternatives to two contentious clauses.
At the same time, Steenhuisen’s appointment in August of Cabanac — who has in the past made comments such as “blacks are not liberals” and has exhorted his social media audience to “build your own Orania” — raised questions about his judgment. Steenhuisen eventually fired Cabanac, but only after three weeks of controversy.
On the issue of the DA relationship with the ANC, some party insiders want Steenhuisen to be more firm with Ramaphosa. The two parties, long accustomed to heaping scorn on each other, are now trying to co-operate — an unprecedented process that is particularly fraught in view of the local government election in two years.
Steenhuisen’s ability to navigate the new dispensation of competing political interests will be crucial in determining the DA’s success in both the elections in 2026 and the next national polls five years from now. How he deals with these challenges while remaining true to the party’s liberal values will be closely watched.
Addressing the Cape Town Press Club ahead of Ramaphosa signing the Bela Bill into law last week, Steenhuisen emphasised the importance of compromise and co-operation in a democratic society.
He said that with only 22% of the vote, the DA could not hope to always get its way in the GNU. “It would be undemocratic,” he said. “I want our supporters, old and new, to accept that. It’s how democracy works.” He was clear that the party would not bring down the GNU unless the government and the economy were endangered.
DA MP and deputy minister of trade & industry Andrew Whitfield says: “Concessions are required on all sides; one party cannot have the cake and eat it.”
Steenhuisen has embraced his job as agriculture minister. At the weekend he was in Bredasdorp for the annual Nampo Cape exhibition, a major event on the farming calendar. In a social media video, his enthusiasm is obvious: “[There’s] lots to be proud of and excitement to work in the sector to create jobs and greater sustainability.”
Political analyst Tessa Dooms tells the FM she believes Steenhuisen is committed to the GNU and will fight to stay in it. “He will win the party over.”
Steenhuisen’s decision to hire Cabanac sparked criticism of his judgment and leadership priorities. Cosatu said it was worrying that it took Steenhuisen “so long to acknowledge his mistake and rectify it”.
John is going to have to step up to the plate with its big responsibilities. He is going to have to play 3D and 4D chess
Tony Leon
Former DA leader Tony Leon, who joined Helen Zille and Ryan Coetzee in the DA team that negotiated participation in the GNU, tells the FM it’s still early days for the new government. All parties, especially the DA, should keep reminding the ANC of the statement of intent, and specifically clause 19 on “sufficient consensus”. Leon says the clause should guide parties in dealing with conflict in the GNU.
“The challenge for all parties, like the DA, is to operationalise [clause 19] and it’s a legitimate mechanism for precisely these situations, like the Bela Bill,” he says. All parties should be held to their acceptance of the statement of intent.
Leon says Steenhuisen is no longer just a DA leader in the opposition benches, but has to grapple with being a key member of the GNU. This shift in roles requires a delicate balance of representing the DA’s interests while also working collaboratively within the GNU.
“The task for a leader is difficult, especially now because there is a new dimension to look after your ministry, then worry about the party and the work in the GNU,” says Leon. “John is going to have to step up to the plate with its big responsibilities. He is going to have to play 3D and 4D chess.”
Dooms says coalition parties have so far not transitioned from the statement of intent to agreeing on a clear plan of action. Apart from the cabinet lekgotla and photo-op dinners, there have been very few meetings between Ramaphosa and leaders of the GNU parties.
“We do not have an agreement of the parties — such as what binds them, how they function, operate, and manage accountability, and how they intend to deal with disagreements apart from the statement of intent,” she says. According to clause 19(3) of the statement, sufficient consensus exists when parties to the GNU represent 60% of seats in the National Assembly.
DA leaders, including uMngeni mayor Chris Pappas, say navigating the new political terrain was never going to be easy.
“There will be interesting times around how to handle legislation, performance, misconduct and even the dynamics that come with internal party congresses,” says Pappas, noting the novelty of the governing arrangements now in place at national level. He says all parties, including the DA, will have to redefine themselves.
Dooms is critical of Steenhuisen, who she says has failed to display strategic leadership or demonstrate how he will deal with conflict. “Somewhere between Leon and Zille — they were just sharper — John has been a beneficiary of the DA being a well-oiled machine.” She says Steenhuisen is a clumsy politician and not an inspirational minister. “He is not showing up and there is no agenda so far.”
Pappas says Steenhuisen inherited a “bruised” party, which was particularly shaken by Mmusi Maimane’s departure.
He says Steenhuisen has “brought stability to the DA and led us through many unpredictable scenarios and tough elections —2021 and 2024 in particular”. The DA must not forget or neglect those who already support it, while wooing new voters and “maintaining the prevailing sense of optimism in the country as well as the party’s responsibility as the second biggest in the country”.
“There will be times when the public, media, or party members disagree or get upset. However, we should look back to where we have come from and where we are now. One must fairly assess any leader in the DA based on what they have overcome,” Pappas says.
Leon says members of the current government should learn from the breakdown of the short-lived GNU that the National Party and the ANC entered into in 1994. He points to the poor relationship between FW de Klerk and Nelson Mandela, and says the human factor is very important.
“If I were John, I would insist there must be regular meetings with Ramaphosa,” says Leon. “I think power flows from the top to the bottom and that the relationship [should be] good, solid and professional. They don’t have to like each other, but they must respect each other.”
This relationship must be formalised and substantive, and not just about photo opportunities.
The GNU is a huge opportunity as it can detoxify that the DA is a white party pursuing white issues only
Tony Leon
The GNU, Leon says, presents the DA with the chance to shed its image as a party for whites. “If you don’t swim forward, you die; stagnation is not an option ... The GNU is a huge opportunity as it can detoxify that the DA is a white party pursuing white issues only. [The party has] control of key ministries like education, home affairs and agriculture, and it depends on how the DA plays its cards. [This] will determine the success or failure of the party.”
Pappas says the local government elections will be the DA’s “big test”. “The DA is known for being good at local government, especially where we have been in power for a long time and with a majority. My crystal ball says that the DA will win more municipalities but that many of these will be in coalition. But a week in politics is a very long time, let alone two years,” he says.
Steenhuisen told his Cape Town audience: “[For] those who want more of what the DA is doing in the GNU, I have a simple message: with more votes, we can do more. Whether in our councils, our metros, our provinces, or nationally, the DA can only do more with your support.”
Dooms says it’s too early to make any predictions about 2026. “Political parties have to reintroduce themselves to the voters and constituencies and the political landscape is so different,” she says. “For the next two years, the GNU parties will have to sell it as a success and sell their ability to co-operate under the ANC government.”
Support our award-winning journalism. The Premium package (digital only) is R30 for the first month and thereafter you pay R129 p/m now ad-free for all subscribers.
John Steenhuisen’s tricky balancing act
In the wake of the Cabanac mess, Steenhuisen must be realising just how tricky it is to be both DA leader and GNU cabinet minister
John Steenhuisen’s mettle in his dual roles as DA leader and cabinet minister has been put to the test by the tension over the Basic Education Laws Amendment (Bela) Act and his appointment — since rescinded — of Roman Cabanac as chief of staff.
Disagreement over the act has highlighted the fault lines between the ANC and the DA in the government of national unity (GNU). President Cyril Ramaphosa has suspended full implementation of the act and given parties three months to come up with alternatives to two contentious clauses.
At the same time, Steenhuisen’s appointment in August of Cabanac — who has in the past made comments such as “blacks are not liberals” and has exhorted his social media audience to “build your own Orania” — raised questions about his judgment. Steenhuisen eventually fired Cabanac, but only after three weeks of controversy.
On the issue of the DA relationship with the ANC, some party insiders want Steenhuisen to be more firm with Ramaphosa. The two parties, long accustomed to heaping scorn on each other, are now trying to co-operate — an unprecedented process that is particularly fraught in view of the local government election in two years.
Steenhuisen’s ability to navigate the new dispensation of competing political interests will be crucial in determining the DA’s success in both the elections in 2026 and the next national polls five years from now. How he deals with these challenges while remaining true to the party’s liberal values will be closely watched.
Addressing the Cape Town Press Club ahead of Ramaphosa signing the Bela Bill into law last week, Steenhuisen emphasised the importance of compromise and co-operation in a democratic society.
He said that with only 22% of the vote, the DA could not hope to always get its way in the GNU. “It would be undemocratic,” he said. “I want our supporters, old and new, to accept that. It’s how democracy works.” He was clear that the party would not bring down the GNU unless the government and the economy were endangered.
DA MP and deputy minister of trade & industry Andrew Whitfield says: “Concessions are required on all sides; one party cannot have the cake and eat it.”
Steenhuisen has embraced his job as agriculture minister. At the weekend he was in Bredasdorp for the annual Nampo Cape exhibition, a major event on the farming calendar. In a social media video, his enthusiasm is obvious: “[There’s] lots to be proud of and excitement to work in the sector to create jobs and greater sustainability.”
Political analyst Tessa Dooms tells the FM she believes Steenhuisen is committed to the GNU and will fight to stay in it. “He will win the party over.”
Steenhuisen’s decision to hire Cabanac sparked criticism of his judgment and leadership priorities. Cosatu said it was worrying that it took Steenhuisen “so long to acknowledge his mistake and rectify it”.
Former DA leader Tony Leon, who joined Helen Zille and Ryan Coetzee in the DA team that negotiated participation in the GNU, tells the FM it’s still early days for the new government. All parties, especially the DA, should keep reminding the ANC of the statement of intent, and specifically clause 19 on “sufficient consensus”. Leon says the clause should guide parties in dealing with conflict in the GNU.
“The challenge for all parties, like the DA, is to operationalise [clause 19] and it’s a legitimate mechanism for precisely these situations, like the Bela Bill,” he says. All parties should be held to their acceptance of the statement of intent.
Leon says Steenhuisen is no longer just a DA leader in the opposition benches, but has to grapple with being a key member of the GNU. This shift in roles requires a delicate balance of representing the DA’s interests while also working collaboratively within the GNU.
“The task for a leader is difficult, especially now because there is a new dimension to look after your ministry, then worry about the party and the work in the GNU,” says Leon. “John is going to have to step up to the plate with its big responsibilities. He is going to have to play 3D and 4D chess.”
Dooms says coalition parties have so far not transitioned from the statement of intent to agreeing on a clear plan of action. Apart from the cabinet lekgotla and photo-op dinners, there have been very few meetings between Ramaphosa and leaders of the GNU parties.
“We do not have an agreement of the parties — such as what binds them, how they function, operate, and manage accountability, and how they intend to deal with disagreements apart from the statement of intent,” she says. According to clause 19(3) of the statement, sufficient consensus exists when parties to the GNU represent 60% of seats in the National Assembly.
DA leaders, including uMngeni mayor Chris Pappas, say navigating the new political terrain was never going to be easy.
“There will be interesting times around how to handle legislation, performance, misconduct and even the dynamics that come with internal party congresses,” says Pappas, noting the novelty of the governing arrangements now in place at national level. He says all parties, including the DA, will have to redefine themselves.
Dooms is critical of Steenhuisen, who she says has failed to display strategic leadership or demonstrate how he will deal with conflict. “Somewhere between Leon and Zille — they were just sharper — John has been a beneficiary of the DA being a well-oiled machine.” She says Steenhuisen is a clumsy politician and not an inspirational minister. “He is not showing up and there is no agenda so far.”
Pappas says Steenhuisen inherited a “bruised” party, which was particularly shaken by Mmusi Maimane’s departure.
He says Steenhuisen has “brought stability to the DA and led us through many unpredictable scenarios and tough elections —2021 and 2024 in particular”. The DA must not forget or neglect those who already support it, while wooing new voters and “maintaining the prevailing sense of optimism in the country as well as the party’s responsibility as the second biggest in the country”.
“There will be times when the public, media, or party members disagree or get upset. However, we should look back to where we have come from and where we are now. One must fairly assess any leader in the DA based on what they have overcome,” Pappas says.
Leon says members of the current government should learn from the breakdown of the short-lived GNU that the National Party and the ANC entered into in 1994. He points to the poor relationship between FW de Klerk and Nelson Mandela, and says the human factor is very important.
“If I were John, I would insist there must be regular meetings with Ramaphosa,” says Leon. “I think power flows from the top to the bottom and that the relationship [should be] good, solid and professional. They don’t have to like each other, but they must respect each other.”
This relationship must be formalised and substantive, and not just about photo opportunities.
The GNU, Leon says, presents the DA with the chance to shed its image as a party for whites. “If you don’t swim forward, you die; stagnation is not an option ... The GNU is a huge opportunity as it can detoxify that the DA is a white party pursuing white issues only. [The party has] control of key ministries like education, home affairs and agriculture, and it depends on how the DA plays its cards. [This] will determine the success or failure of the party.”
Pappas says the local government elections will be the DA’s “big test”. “The DA is known for being good at local government, especially where we have been in power for a long time and with a majority. My crystal ball says that the DA will win more municipalities but that many of these will be in coalition. But a week in politics is a very long time, let alone two years,” he says.
Steenhuisen told his Cape Town audience: “[For] those who want more of what the DA is doing in the GNU, I have a simple message: with more votes, we can do more. Whether in our councils, our metros, our provinces, or nationally, the DA can only do more with your support.”
Dooms says it’s too early to make any predictions about 2026. “Political parties have to reintroduce themselves to the voters and constituencies and the political landscape is so different,” she says. “For the next two years, the GNU parties will have to sell it as a success and sell their ability to co-operate under the ANC government.”
Also read:
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JUSTICE MALALA: Why the DA snubs black liberals
MPs play softball with Ramaphosa
Rocky road ahead for Cape coalitions
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