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People charge towards the police during a protest in Maputo, Mozambique, in this October 21 2024 file photo. Picture: SIPHIWE SIBEKO/REUTERS
People charge towards the police during a protest in Maputo, Mozambique, in this October 21 2024 file photo. Picture: SIPHIWE SIBEKO/REUTERS

At the outset, we have to commend the Botswana Democratic Party (BDP), which got ousted from power last week, for immediately conceding defeat, and pledging to ensure a smooth transition to the incoming administration of the Umbrella for Democratic Change (UDC).

Mokgweetsi Masisi, the outgoing president, has been an awful leader of the diamond-rich country. His departure, which ends almost six decades of BDP’s rule, should be welcomed. But we should not forget that it was not guaranteed that he would hand over power voluntarily.

His five-year tenure was disastrous. He was thin-skinned to political criticism and harassed his opponents, especially the Khama family which under former president Ian Khama groomed him to sustain their rule. The harassment forced Ian Khama into exile to SA whose government, captured by liberation solidarity, turned a blind eye to the growing repression in Botswana.

Under the BDP’s watch, corruption grew. Still, living standards of ordinary Batswana remained better than in peer countries in the region. However, the declining fortunes of its diamond industry threatened the postcolonial dividends that many enjoyed.

Masisi’s obsession with the Khamas helped them recruit a decent opposition that ultimately swept him out of power.

In a region that is run by out-of-touch and increasingly unpopular former liberation movements, Botswana’s results mark a new trend, which requires space to grow. New ideas need to be tested.

Grudgingly, the region’s leaders have accepted Botswana’s democratic outcome. But Duma Boko, the UDC leader, would be foolish to think this amounts to his own acceptance.

The region’s leaders prefer an investment in rigging elections to stay in power despite them being rejected by an increasingly young electorate. Zimbabwe is a case in point, as is Mozambique.

Unlike Boko, his Mozambican counterpart Venâncio Mondlane has not been lucky.

The governing Frelimo party is refusing to relinquish or share power after last month’s elections. This despite many reports of widespread irregularities and street protests, including the killing of two Mondlane-linked officials, Elvino Dias and Paulo Guambe.

Instead of entertaining Mondlane’s grievances, the Mozambican authorities, with implicit support from a docile Renamo, have unleashed state power on opposition supporters and activists.

The region has been indifferent to the plight of Mozambicans.

Both Mozambique and Botswana are small countries with combined populations of less than 40-million. However, they occupy significant geopolitical positions in the region.

Since independence, Botswana has been Africa’s beacon of peace, democracy and stability — best remembered for orchestrated democratic intraparty transitions. It used its diamond wealth for the benefit of all its citizens.

After independence, Mozambique, like Angola, descended into a civil war that strangled its potential. Now, it has faced a two-year Islamist insurgency which has displaced thousands and stalled lucrative energy projects.

Both countries have enormous potential to feed their nations — from tourism, agriculture and mineral wealth. They need to be allowed to realise this potential. But they need responsive ethical leadership to realise this potential.

Botswana stands on the precipice of this exciting change. Ian Khama, the architect of this change, has promised to step back from party politics. He should stick to his word and allow Boko to diversify the economy from its reliance on diamonds and clamp down on corruption. Vengeance will mire the country into regression.

The region owes Mozambicans support.

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