BENJI SHULMAN: What the new Iranian president means for Africa

A new Iranian president, Masoud Pezeshkian, was sworn into power on July 30 to replace Ebrahim Raisi, who died in a helicopter crash in May.

Pezeshkian has been touted in the media as a moderate compared with his conservative predecessor, but this is somewhat misleading given that Iran is governed as a theocracy where candidates for presidential elections are pre-vetted and real opposition outside the system is relentlessly suppressed.

The true source of power is a religious figure, Iran's supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. He has authority over the national police and the morality police, as well as the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps. 

Much attention is being paid to how the new president, who has some control over foreign policy, will respond and engage with the West. But what will Iran’s new leadership mean for Africa? 

Iran has had relations with African states since the Islamic revolution of 1979, but Raisi made Iran-Africa relations a focus of his presidency. This included two Iran-Africa trade forums involving more than 40 countries, and presidential visits to Zimbabwe, Uganda and Kenya, the first to Africa in a decade. Discussions entailed state-level co-operation and private development in agriculture, industry, mining and medicine.

Iran’s efforts take place in the context of several other regional powers, such as Turkey and the United Arab Emirates, vying for influence in Africa alongside larger powers such as Russia and the US. All countries engaged in Africa diplomacy are looking for trading partners and markets, but Iran has other items on its wish list too, including finding ways to evade international sanctions that have paralysed the country’s economy and have led to civil unrest.

It also seeks support from African states at the UN and other international forums. African countries sit on a number of UN bodies and their presence has been used by Tehran to tone down criticism over its human rights record and abuse of women’s rights under the regime.

Part of its trade agenda is the sale of weapons such as drones, on the continent, supporting African autocrats in return for political favour. The regime is considered key to propping up the armed forces of Sudan and Ethiopia in their respective civil wars. Iran has also been trying to establish a port in Sudan for its naval military activities and has taken advantage of coups in the Sahel to reach out to newly established military juntas and offer support.

According to the Institute for the Study of War, to gain access to key minerals it requires for its nuclear programme, Iran has been negotiating with Niger to acquire 300 tonnes of yellowcake in exchange for drones.

Liam Karr of the Critical Threats Project says Iran is exporting its model of support for proxies to Africa. In the Middle East it supports military attacks on countries such as Israel, Saudi Arabia and global shipping through its support of the Youthis and Hezbollah by providing training, logistics and weaponry.

Karr notes that in Nigeria, Iran is supporting the Islamic Movement of Nigeria in a similar way. Using these local networks, Iran hopes it will be able to project power and influence in West Africa.

Pezeshkian looks set to continue his predecessor’s focus on Africa, and SA is likely to be key in this approach. International relations and co-operation minister Ronald Lamola attended his swearing in, and met his Iranian counterpart. The discussions centred on the importance of having Iran as part of the Brics bloc, and SA’s actions at the International Court of Justice.

Lamola’s visit to Iran comes in the midst of a tense period for SA diplomacy. Iranian parliament members chanted “Death to Israel, death to America” during the inauguration. Shortly afterwards Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh, who was also in attendance, was assassinated in Tehran.

At the same time, trade, industry & competition minister Parks Tau wrapped up a visit to the US intended to assure legislators in Congress that differences between the two countries on foreign policy should not prevent the renewal of the African Growth and Opportunity Act (Agoa) in 2025.

Agoa is a preferential trade instrument to allow access to US markets. Among US concerns are SA’s ties with Russia, its anti-Israel position and SA’s support for Iran. Tau reported that the delegation had received a “relatively warm welcome” but that SA will “keep a close eye on the process and will continue to lobby”.

Such a divergent foreign policy sends mixed signals to the international community about what approach SA intends to take in relation to Iran.

• Shulman is executive director of the Middle East Africa Research Institute.